Congress | "Marx is must": Strategies against rearmament

The "nd" building was transformed into a left-wing learning and meeting place over the weekend. The Marxism Congress was held in Berlin-Friedrichshain for four days. Small and large groups sat on the lawn in front of the building, discussing and exchanging ideas. A long line formed at lunch and dinner for the food distribution. More than 1,200 people attended the congress, exceeding all expectations. "We even had to close the registration list because the demand was so high," said one co-organizer. She is particularly pleased that many of the young people who have campaigned door-to-door for The Left Party in recent months or who have joined the party attended this year's events.

The congress has a long tradition: 18 years ago, the Linksruck group disbanded. Many of its members subsequently became active in the newly founded Marx 21 network, which has organized the event annually since then. Marx 21 is currently planning a relaunch as a revolutionary network, according to a key points paper circulated at the congress.

The text advocates a class politics that connects struggles against exploitation and oppression. The authors illustrate this by citing the example of labor struggles in hospitals and daycare centers. The majority of the workers there were women, many of whom were not from Germany. Here, various strands of the left-wing movement intertwine, and the connection between anti-capitalism, anti-racism, and feminism becomes practical.

Several working groups addressed union renewal. "Can logistics workers at Amazon and others win?" was the title of one panel. Another panel addressed future strategies for employees in the automotive industry. This also addressed the question of how a transport transition can be achieved and how public transport can be expanded instead of environmentally harmful cars, and whether it is actually feasible for the struggling automakers to build trains and buses in the future.

Nevertheless, many participants feared that, although many productive discussions had begun, they could be pushed back by the onset of Keynesianism over arms control. At several industrial sites, civilian production is being converted into military production. One example is Görlitz, where a factory with a long tradition in wagon construction, formerly owned by Alstom, is to be converted into a tank factory. In Osnabrück, a former VW plant is also to be converted into an arms factory. Several speakers emphasized the need for anti-militarist interventions in these locations.

Ines Schwerdtner warned against the illusion that the party could permanently maintain the high level of activity during the election campaign.

This could also be a task for a renewed Left Party. In its position paper, Marx 21 emphasizes its contribution to the renewal of the Left Party. Many of its comrades participated in the door-to-door campaign, thus ensuring the party's electoral success. In several conversations, comrades explained that they only joined the party after the departure of the socially conservative wing, Sahra Wagenknecht.

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The party's development was also a topic of discussion at the congress. On the panel, the three Left Party politicians Ines Schwerdtner, Kerstin Wolter, and Marlen Borchardt discussed the party's situation following its unexpectedly strong performance in the federal election. Schwerdtner warned against the illusion that the party could sustain the high level of activity seen during the election campaign indefinitely. "Most members simply cannot afford such sustained activism," the party chairwoman pointed out. She therefore suggested that members be entrusted primarily with self-selected tasks. In one case, this could be distributing informational newspapers; others could participate in information events for tenants. The three comrades' remarks were repeatedly interrupted by applause.

But there were also critical voices at the events. For example, a former district chair of the Left Party in Hesse complained that young comrades were not included in the work and were even being bullied. She asked how such behavior could be prevented. She received no public response. Critical questions about the state of the party were also heard at the event hosted by Left Party MEP Özlem Demirel. Demirel made an impassioned plea for a stronger anti-militarist profile for the Left Party. "Foreign militarization and domestic repression belong together," she emphasized, referring to increasingly authoritarian tendencies in Germany.

She admitted, however, that raising an anti-militarist profile isn't made any easier when prominent party members—often with parliamentary mandates—express themselves positively about NATO or arms deliveries to various countries. A member of the audience questioned whether it even makes sense for anti-militarists to organize in a party with pro-armament supporters. Demirel responded that a social left can only lose if it distances itself too strongly.

The congress also featured numerous theoretical discussions. Ingar Solty and Birgit Mahnkopf participated in several sessions. Solty also addressed the problems of acceptance of the new militarism. The Ukrainian working class, for example, is contributing to the country's shortage of soldiers through its mass refusal to serve. Such a development is not currently observable in Russia, the participants noted.

Many topics were discussed in depth. However, the focus of the congress remained on social developments in Germany. A central question was how to build a movement in this country that effectively opposes military tendencies.